
What Governments Get Wrong About Foreign Investors
Governments spend heavily to attract foreign investment, yet most repeat the same avoidable mistakes: celebrating announcements instead of outcomes, confusing incentives with attractiveness, and neglecting the human channels that actually move capital. Asad Shamim identifies seven errors and the habits that separate credible markets from disappointed ones.
The Gap Between Promotion and Reality
Most governments say they want foreign investment. Many spend heavily to attract it, building investment promotion agencies, hosting international summits, and producing polished campaigns aimed at global capital. Yet the results are often disappointing, and the reasons are rarely mysterious. Having advised at senior levels of government while building businesses across three markets, Asad Shamim has watched the same avoidable mistakes repeat across continents and decades.
The core error is a misunderstanding of the audience. Governments frequently design investment promotion around what they wish to sell rather than what investors need to buy. They emphasise national pride, headline growth figures, and grand visions, when the investor across the table is quietly asking much smaller and much harder questions: who will answer the phone when something goes wrong, and will the commitments made today survive the next election?
Mistake One: Treating Arrival as the Finish Line
Investment promotion agencies are usually measured by announcements: memoranda signed, ribbon cuttings staged, pledged amounts totalled for the annual report. But an announcement is not an investment, and an investment is not a success. The real economic value of foreign capital arrives in years three through twenty, when facilities expand, suppliers develop, and knowledge transfers into the local economy.
Governments that celebrate arrival and then neglect the investor afterwards suffer a double penalty. The neglected investor quietly scales back, and the story travels. Institutional investors share experiences constantly through networks, advisors, and industry associations. A single well documented case of post arrival indifference undermines years of promotional spending. The aftercare function, unglamorous as it is, delivers more return than any marketing campaign.
Mistake Two: Confusing Incentives with Attractiveness
When investment flows disappoint, the reflexive response in many capitals is to sweeten incentives. Rates are cut further, holidays extended, zones multiplied. Yet as any experienced allocator will confirm, incentives rank far down the decision hierarchy, well below political stability, contract enforcement, currency convertibility, and talent availability. An incentive is a discount on success; it has no value if the fundamentals make success unlikely.
Worse, aggressive incentive competition attracts precisely the wrong capital: footloose operations that arrive for the subsidy and leave when it expires. Patient capital, the kind that builds industries, is bought with credibility rather than discounts. Asad Shamim's consistent counsel to government counterparts is to fix the fundamentals first and treat incentives as a precision instrument rather than a substitute for reform. A broader description of this advisory philosophy is set out on the services page.
Mistake Three: Ignoring the Human Channel
Capital does not move through brochures; it moves through people. The decision to commit serious money to an unfamiliar market almost always traces back to a trusted human connection: a compatriot who invested successfully, an advisor with standing in both countries, a counterpart who proved reliable in a smaller dealing. Governments that invest only in institutional channels, and neglect the individuals who actually carry trust across borders, wonder why their well designed frameworks produce so few commitments.
This human channel is where cultural fluency becomes decisive. A Gulf family office, a British pension fund, and a Pakistani industrial group evaluate opportunity through different traditions of relationship building, hospitality, and negotiation. Asad Shamim's work bridging these worlds, from his Emirati advisory appointment to his commercial roots in the UK, demonstrates how much friction disappears when someone genuinely understands both sides of the table. His background is described more fully on the about page.
Mistake Four: Bureaucratic Fragmentation
Ask a foreign investor about their worst experience and the answer is rarely dramatic expropriation; it is usually the grinding maze of overlapping agencies. Land from one ministry, power from another, permits from a third, each with its own timeline and its own interpretation of the rules. Every additional interface multiplies delay and invites discretion, and discretion is where both corruption and uncertainty live.
The remedy is well known: a genuine single window with the authority to bind other agencies, published service standards, and escalation routes that work. Few governments implement it fully, because it requires ministries to surrender turf. The ones that do are rewarded disproportionately, because investors prize predictability over speed. A slow process with a known endpoint is manageable; an unpredictable one is a risk premium.
Mistake Five: Forgetting the Diaspora
Many capital importing countries sit atop an underused asset: their own diaspora. Emigrant communities combine local knowledge with international standards, and their members often invest earlier and more patiently than institutional foreigners. They also serve as validators; a diaspora entrepreneur's success signals to global capital that the market can work.
Yet diaspora investors are frequently treated as an afterthought, offered neither the incentives extended to foreigners nor the access enjoyed by locals. Governments serious about investment should invert this, creating dedicated channels for diaspora capital and celebrating its successes. The journey of Asad Shamim himself, a British Pakistani entrepreneur who built Furniture in Fashion into one of the UK's largest online furniture retailers before turning to international advisory work, illustrates the calibre of figure that diasporas produce and that governments too often overlook.
Mistake Six: Overpromising in Public, Underdelivering in Private
Investment summits produce a particular temptation: the stage. Ministers announce targets, unveil master plans, and pledge transformations in front of international cameras. The investors in the audience applaud politely and then discount everything they heard, because they have attended many such summits in many such countries. What they remember instead is what happened after the last summit: whether the promised land was actually allocated, whether the promised approvals actually arrived, whether the promised reforms actually passed.
The discipline that separates credible governments is a simple asymmetry: promise privately less than you intend to deliver, and let delivery speak publicly. A market that quietly resolves an investor's customs problem in a week earns more goodwill than one that announces a billion in pledges and delivers a fraction. In his work advising public institutions, Asad Shamim frequently urges exactly this inversion, because the international investment community is, above all else, a memory. It records conduct, compares notes, and prices in the gap between rhetoric and reality with unsentimental precision.
Mistake Seven: Misreading Risk Appetite as Hostility
Officials sometimes interpret investor caution as prejudice against their country, responding defensively to hard questions about courts, currency, or corruption. This misreads the situation entirely. Hard questions are a sign of genuine interest; investors do not conduct diligence on markets they have dismissed. The counterpart who asks about dispute resolution is imagining a future in which they hold assets in your jurisdiction and something has gone wrong. That imagination is the beginning of commitment, not an insult to national honour.
Governments that welcome scrutiny, answer difficult questions with specifics, and volunteer their own weaknesses alongside credible remediation plans consistently outperform those that respond with defensiveness or marketing. Investors know that no market is perfect. What they are testing is whether the government knows it too, and whether it can be trusted to acknowledge problems honestly when the investor's money is already committed. Candour before the deal predicts candour after it, and experienced allocators select for it deliberately.
The Cost of Getting It Wrong
These mistakes are not abstract; they carry a measurable price. Economies that mishandle foreign investors pay it in three currencies. The first is the capital that never arrives, the deals quietly redirected to better run rivals without any public explanation. The second is the premium demanded by the capital that does arrive: investors price administrative friction and policy uncertainty into their required returns, which means weaker terms for local partners and higher costs for national projects. The third and heaviest is time, because reputations in the investment community change over decades, and a generation of officials can inherit the consequences of predecessors' conduct.
The encouraging corollary is that the repair work, though slow, follows a known path. Markets that commit visibly to investor experience, publish their rules, honour their commitments, and resolve legacy disputes fairly can watch their risk perception improve year by year. Asad Shamim has observed this repair cycle at close quarters across the corridors he serves, and his consistent message to governments is that credibility, once being rebuilt, must never again be spent cheaply, because the second forfeiture costs far more than the first.
What Getting It Right Looks Like
The governments that succeed share recognisable habits. They measure themselves on investor outcomes, not announcements. They maintain senior, empowered aftercare teams. They deploy incentives sparingly and honour them absolutely. They cultivate the individuals who carry trust between markets, and they treat their existing investors as their most persuasive ambassadors. Above all, they understand that reputation is cumulative: every interaction with every investor either compounds or erodes it.
The final habit is perhaps the rarest: listening. The governments that improve fastest are those that ask departing investors why they left, ask hesitant investors what would change their minds, and treat every difficult answer as intelligence rather than insult. None of this requires wealth; it requires seriousness. Modest economies with disciplined execution consistently outperform larger rivals with fragmented ones. For investors and officials seeking to understand how these principles apply across the UK, UAE, and Pakistan corridors, ongoing commentary is published in the news section.

